Thai "red shirts" not finished, need time to regroup
BANGKOK |
BANGKOK (Reuters) - Thai anti-government protesters have vowed to return to the streets after an army crackdown ended their nine-week protest, but with most of their leaders detained or in hiding, it could take months to revive their campaign.
Southeast Asia's second-biggest economy is still recovering from modern Thailand's worst political violence, which killed 88 people and wounded more than 1,800 as troops dispersed protesters from central Bangkok.
The occupation of an upscale commercial district by thousands of red-shirted protesters representing the rural and urban poor decimated the vital tourism industry, sent foreign investors fleeing Thailand's capital markets, and will shave a point or two from projected economic growth this year, the government says.
Calm has returned since troops forcibly dislodged protesters demanding immediate elections from their fortified encampment in ritzy central Bangkok on May 19, providing a window of opportunity to dip back into what had been one of Asia's hottest emerging markets. The window might not stay open for long.
Thailand remains fundamentally divided between what some analysts see as a peasant and proletariat movement largely backing ex-prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra and what they call an aristocratic "establishment elite" of royalists, military brass, bureaucrats and the educated middle class.
Thaksin, ousted in a 2006 coup, or his proxy parties have won every election in Thailand over the past decade, and would most likely win the next one, whenever that is.
But critics of the graft-convicted and self-exiled Thaksin say he and his allies are manipulating protesters' discontent over genuine grievances to engineer his comeback.
The government has suggested Thaksin may have been behind recent violence which authorities blamed on shadowy gunmen who were lurking behind unarmed protesters. He and protest leaders have denied any link with the gunmen.
The markets are no longer churning, but foreign investors remain on the sidelines awaiting political clarity. Five-year credit default swaps, a measure of sovereign risk, are trading at a spread of around 145 after going widening to 170 in May, their highest in a year, driven up by tremors in the euro zone as well as the political instability.
SHORT-TERM HORIZON
"Investors with a short-time horizon will see an opportunity in the current relative calm and move back into the market," said Bill Witherell, chief global economist with Cumberland Advisors.
"Investors that take a longer-term perspective ... would like to see some movement toward improving the underlying situation, some reason to believe that greater stability can be achieved."
"As long as alternative Asian markets offer greater stability and at least equal expected returns, Thailand is going to find it difficult to get international investors to return, particularly when global risk aversion is as high as it seems to be," he said.
Foreign investors sold a net $2.04 billion of stocks between April 10 -- the first major clash between troops and protesters -- and May 31. Compare that to a $1.8 billion wave of foreign buying from mid-February to April 9, a day before the gunbattle in the heart of old Bangkok that killed 25 people.
For now, the "red shirt" movement appears in disarray.
"Our grassroot activities will continue but it may take months before the organization as a whole recovers," said Pongsak Phusitsakul, a doctor who helped organize "red shirt" rallies.
"The movement is in no way dead. But I have no desire to rot in a military detention camp."
After top leaders surrendered and were taken into military detention, others, like Pongsak, went underground. A state of emergency is in place in Bangkok and elsewhere banning rallies.
Many activists have turned off their phones. Some have slipped away from home and shut down community radio stations that were instrumental in mobilizing support.
Karn Yuenyong, director of the independent Siam Intelligence Unit think tank, said financial sanctions on protest leaders, censorship of "red shirt" media and the beginning of the rice-planting season meant there would be no quick return to the streets.
With images of rioting, arson, and looting constantly replayed by the media, a stigma of being associated with the "red shirts" is compounding problems facing the movement.
"We have a lot of sympathizers, but there are people who want to distance themselves for now," said Sriwan Janhong, a disc jockey for a red-shirt radio in the northern city of Chiang Mai.
"They are scared they will be labeled uneducated and violent thugs so they give money and support but ask to stay anonymous. Some people think twice these days before identifying themselves as red shirt."
HARDER LINE
Some analysts say that since the recent violence, the government is more willing to take a hard line with the disparate movement of Thaksin supporters, democracy activists and leftists.
"The government is keeping the state of emergency. It has closed newspapers, radios, websites, and tracks the movement of regional leaders," said Charnvit Kasertsiri, a prominent political historian. "They are comfortable doing this in the name of fighting terrorism and republicanism."
Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva had offered a November election in a failed bid to negotiate an end to the protest. But he is now in no rush to call polls.
Abhisit, who protesters say came to power illegitimately in an army-engineered parliamentary vote in December 2008, said on Saturday an election before the end of the year was unlikely but did not rule out a snap poll before his term ends in early 2012.
"Abhisit emerges strong in Bangkok -- he has the powerful middle class who yearn for some normalcy," said Charnvit. "The voice of criticism, no matter how legitimate, has been drowned out by a sense of relief and triumphalism."
But analysts say the rift in Thai society is wider than ever, raising the possibility of a radicalized, underground movement.
"There will be rumblings up-country. Some may resort to taking up arms, conducting an insurgency," said Thitinan Pongsudhiraka, a political scientist at Chulalongkorn University.
Some analysts say Thaksin, who lives abroad to avoid jail on a graft conviction he says was politicized, is determined to bring down the government before an annual military reshuffle in September that could strengthen the government's power base.
He may still try to force the pace.
"Thaksin wanted to end the game quickly. While some idealists in the movement may opt for a long-term struggle, Thaksin may take more risks," said a top security official who declined to be identified.
(Editing by Robert Birsel and Bill Tarrant)
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A blog that captures the ‘Thailand political mess’
http://absolutelybangkok.com/carpetbaggers-or-else/
Excerpt:
“And what? You did not yet read Father Joe’s (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joe_Maier) related letter?
——–
Dear Everyone
Once again from Bangkok, “after the present troubles.”
All is quiet. The curfew is slowly going away. I believe Saturday will be the final night. Today, Thursday, as I write this, curfew is from midnight till four a.m. The first night, five folks tried to torch different parts of our Klong Toey slum. One by dropping burning material from the express way above the slum. All were doused in minutes. Two of the arsonists were 14-year old kids who had been given a handful of money to throw a petrol bottle bomb anywhere they could, to burn the slum, and if they succeeded, they would get more cash.
The total slum mobilized and kept watch against strangers, and even their own. First time in my forty years here I have seen total unity: no one – absolutely no one will burn – will torch – our slum. And that is the way it was and is. Our kids kept watch also, boys patrolling the street with a couple of slum street motorcycle gangs and the girls up the roof, keeping watch. We don’t have enemies, but our buildings are large, and look flammable, (which they ain’t) but you can do a lot of damage with a petrol bottle bomb!
The loss to this beloved land is beyond counting. For most, all started rather jovial – everyone getting a daily stipend of anywhere from a thousand baht for people on foot, and three to four thousand baht for motorcycles for joining the rallies. A thousand baht is four to five days wages for unskilled labor here in the slums and a bit more in the provinces. But then if you joined the protesters, they took your photo, registered you. That was when it began to unravel.
Then, it all blew up. Huge buildings, banks, shops, homes got torched. Hospitals evacuated. The police were passive, allowing everything to happen. Maybe that’s what they were told to do. I shall not comment on that. I think everyone was “like slapped senseless” by the reality.
What now?
Life goes on. We pick up the pieces. We are most uncertain of a calm tomorrow. We here in the slums, strongly feel this is just the beginning.
The poverty level here in Klong Toey has jumped higher. The port closed for a while. The bars closed, and many of the nighttime working moms of our kindergarten kids had no work – no customers. Street kids went hungry. Most of the slum had and still has no work – no wages. And the long term suffering is just now beginning. More and more people come to us daily for help, to begin their lives again.
Had the protesters won the day, we would now be under dictatorship with lots of folks disappearing. The Law of the Gun. I am reminded of the lyrics of “Keeper of the Song.” Those in power write the history, those who suffer write the songs. Meanwhile, now, children are beginning the new school year – but the corruption goes on, the carpetbaggers go on.
We, and that means almost everyone in Thailand, fear that any new radical government certainly would not be interested in the cost, time and effort necessary to bring about the radical economic changes urgently needed for better equality.
As for us and our children, our family at Mercy Center, thank you for your prayers and concern. Many of you asked how you could help us. I hope that I do not have to put out another letter, urgently asking, begging for your assistance. Right now, today, we are fine, unscathed physically, but emotionally pretty beat up. Some of our neighbors died, both protesters and those in uniform. Death is death.”



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