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China slowdown adds urgency to Communist Party soul searching
1 of 5. A trainee walks pass a communist party logo as he attends a training course at the communist party school called China Executive Leadership Academy of Pudong in Shanghai, in this September 24, 2012 file photo. With China's economy slowing and public scrutiny of officials on the rise via social media, the party is likely to endorse deepening its training push when Hu passes the baton to new leaders at the 18th Party Congress, which is expected to be held as early as next month. China's cadre training system is run out of academies across the country, some focusing on practical aspects of 21st century communism such as handling the media and management skills, including role-play scenarios on how to manage a variety of crises from mass protests to train crashes. Picture taken September 24, 2012.
Credit: Reuters/Carlos Barria/Files
JINGGANGSHAN, China |
JINGGANGSHAN, China (Reuters) - Chinese university teacher Zhu Haibin wept softly as she and other Communist Party cadres stood in rows before a mass grave of Communist fighters in southern China.
Ignoring light drizzle, the group listened to a party instructor tell the story of Zhang Longxiu, a "hero mother" from the early days of China's Communist revolution who was tortured to death by Nationalists while protecting her son.
Dressed in 'Red Army' garb, they looked like travelers on a history tour, except the scene was less about history than survival -- the survival of a party that critics say has lost its ideological soul after more than three decades of free-market reforms and is striving to stay relevant.
Since 2005, some 40,000 cadres have attended an elite new communist academy in the bamboo-covered hills of Jinggangshan, where the party hopes to rekindle faith in its founding principles and remind them how it came to run the world's number two economy, which long ago ditched Marx for markets.
It is the softer side of a campaign launched under President Hu Jintao to strengthen the party which, despite boasting roughly 80 million members, still quietly fears Soviet-style oblivion if China's economic miracle comes to a halt.
"With 200,000 party members it captured state power," said Zhou Jianping, a vice president at the Jinggangshan academy, referring to the initial membership of Russian communism when the Bolsheviks took power in 1917.
"With 2 million party members it won a war to protect the country. But with nearly 20 million party members the red flag came down, power changed hands and it became an opposition party," he added.
"The most profound reason was that party spirit was not strong and its work style had become degraded and devalued."
SURVIVAL TRAINING
With China's economy slowing and public scrutiny of officials on the rise via social media, the party is likely to endorse deepening its training push when Hu passes the baton to new leaders at the 18th Party Congress, which is expected to be held as early as next month.
China's cadre training system is run out of academies across the country, some focusing on practical aspects of 21st century communism such as handling the media and management skills, including role-play scenarios on how to manage a variety of crises from mass protests to train crashes.
At Jinggangshan's China Executive Leadership Academy, the job is to win hearts, not just minds.
Hand-picked teachers are coached to tug heartstrings and elicit maximum emotion and they hammer two messages into trainees: your revolutionary forebears made immense sacrifices in harsh conditions, and the party exists to serve the people.
It seemed to work, at least during a recent visit to the academy arranged for foreign and local journalists.
"The difficulties that I face are nothing," said Zhu, the university teacher from Hainan province, sniffing back tears after hearing the story of Zhang, the "hero mother".
China experts are skeptical the party can endure by tugging at heartstrings. They say it has drawn its modern legitimacy from a stunning economic rebirth, but that effect is fading as the economy matures and adjusts to slower rates of growth.
"You have to find other ways to bolster and sustain your legitimacy and I think that's where they have a problem going forward," said Damien Ma, an analyst with the Eurasia Group.
Two other Executive Leadership Academies opened in 2005 when the Jinggangshan school opened. They form the vanguard of the training push alongside Beijing's Central Party School, which crowns a network of nearly 3,000 party schools nationwide.
In Jinggangshan, students dress in Red Army uniforms, sing revolutionary songs and haul baskets of rice along a path traversed by Mao Zedong, the late Communist leader, more than 80 years ago. Classroom time is spent on history lessons.
Even for cadres at Jinggangshan -- known as the "cradle of the revolution" because the mountains around it were used by Mao's red army at the beginning of the civil war -- the problems of the present are not far from their minds.
Zhang Dechang, another Hainan cadre on a five-day course, said: "Cadres now are overly pragmatic in their thinking and perhaps think too much about their own benefit. We need to do more governing for the people."
Yuan Meisheng, a Beijing official also on a week-long course, said the training had a valuable but limited impact.
"With this kind of education it isn't like you go back and there's a big change. It's subtle."
The town of Jinggangshan itself shows just how far the party has strayed from its Marxist roots.
It is a haven for tourist-based capitalism where dozens of shops sell revolutionary memorabilia, including bronze Mao statues, Red Army keychains and bottles of liquor shaped like hand grenades and bullets.
The small hill town where the leadership academy was established now has nearly 300 hotels and guest houses. Training is a cornerstone industry alongside "red" tourism, locals say.
In peak season last year, 100 classes were under way at once and more than 10,000 people were in training in Jinggangshan, according to a news website run by the local government.
Pu Xingzu, a Fudan University political scientist and adjunct professor at the cadre school, once asked school administrators if there was really a long-term effect.
"Their answer: After a few years they can always come back and do it all over again!" he said. (Editing by Mark Bendeich)
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Ladies and gentlemen, in fact, as all Communists know, Marx said that Communism would arrive via “advanced” Capitalism. Capitalism was the foundation upon which Communism would evolve from.
All Communist Marxist scholars (and government officials in Moscow and Beijing) know this, so why the lying here? Because Mao (and Lenin in Russia circa 1917) couldn’t allow for Capitalism when the reins of power were taken in 1949. First the security of the state was paramount, Marx would come later, AFTER the West had been defeated (there is no Capitalism in China today. What’s there are state-controlled businesses–owned outright by the PLA or relatives of Communist Party officials–that can easily make profits not because China is an entrepreneurial, free market, economy, but because costs are so low there.).
So what’s going to happen in China:
The upcoming “collapse” of Red China follows the fraudulent collapse of the USSR in late 1991. This Communist stratagem is part of the “Long-Range Policy”, a strategy signed onto by all Communist nations in 1960 as a more subtle strategy to defeat the West.
The strategy was first revealed to the West in 1962 by KGB defector Major Anatoliy Golitsyn, the only Soviet-era defector to still be under protective custody by the West.
The “dissident” movement in China (as in the USSR) is a creation of Beijing, its existence intended to instill in Western minds that the Communist government/party has competing factions, with one faction being the “liberal” faction that prevents “dissidents” from being sent to a concentration camp, allowing the “dissidents” to be known to the West.
When the Communist government in Beijing “collapses”, Taiwan will be stymied from not joining the mainland.
“Behind the impressive smokescreen of pseudo-democracy, pseudo-capitalism and pseudo-reform, this Russian-Chinese ‘cooperation-blackmail’ strategy is irreconcilably hostile to the West. Again, this is no mere presumption. It was explicitly confirmed in May 1994 to Clark Bowers, a member of an official US Republican delegation to Peking, by Mr Mo Xiusong, Vice Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party, who is believed to be the highest-ranking Chinese Communist official ever to have answered questions put to him by a knowledgeable Western expert on Communism:
BOWERS: IS the long-term aim of the Chinese Communist Party still world Communism?
Mo XIUSONG: Yes, of course. That is the reason we exist.” – “The Perestroika Deception” (1995), by KGB defector Major Anatoliy Golitsyn.
(see my initial comment above for Part I)
“Marx sharply stresses the bad sides of capitalist production, but with equal emphasis clearly proves that this social form was necessary to develop the productive forces of society to a level which will make possible an equal development worthy of human beings for ALL members of society. All earlier forms of society were too poor for this” — Friedrich Engels, “Marx’s Capital,” Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Selected Works, Volume I, pp. 468-469.
Godless, unelected communists worldwide have never had souls and they never will. Everyone knows the China story is going to end badly. It’s just a matter of when. The party can’t suppress the 1.3 billion good people of China forever. They have a population living below the poverty level that’s greater than the entire population of the U.S., hundreds of millions of people, and leaders whose families and friends are unusually rich. Princelings crashing Ferraris with naked girls on Beijing streets or killing pedestrians and boasting, “my father is Li Gang,” don’t help matters.
The clock on the government is ticking, but there’s another century of corruption and ugliness ahead for China, something that the masses don’t deserve.






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