* Downing of MH17 marks turning point in sanctions stance
* Emotion over crash wins over doubters
* Tougher German stance played a role
By Justyna Pawlak
BRUSSELS, July 25 When Dutch Foreign Minister
Frans Timmermans spoke to his European Union peers of his grief
and anger over the downing of a Malaysia Airlines airliner over
eastern Ukraine, it was a turning point in Europe's approach to
Several ministers had tears in their eyes when Timmermans
said he had known personally some of the 194 Dutch passengers
among the 298 people who died on the plane, which Washington
believes pro-Russian separatists shot down in error.
"To my dying day I will not understand that it took so much
time for the rescue workers to be allowed to do their difficult
job, and that human remains should be used in a political game,"
Timmermans told the U.N. Security Council hours earlier, before
flying overnight to Brussels for the crucial EU session.
Until that meeting on Tuesday, Europe had trailed the United
States in imposing economic sanctions to pressure Moscow into
working to defuse the eight-month crisis in Ukraine in which
hundreds of people have been killed.
Many governments were reluctant to antagonise a major energy
supplier. Concern over the cost to Europe's convalescent economy
of fraying the vast network of industrial and business links
with Russia also weighed heavily.
Intense lobbying by Washington, including a warning by
President Barack Obama that the plane downing should be "a wake
up call for Europe", had done little to change that mentality.
But like a supportive family, EU partners rallied around the
bereaved Dutch, putting national economic interests aside and
for the first time going beyond asset freezes and visa bans on
individuals to envisage curbs on entire sectors of the Russian
economy that could turn the screw on President Vladimir Putin.
Gruesome images of bodies strewn across fields after the
downing of flight MH17 appear to have persuaded some of the
opponents of sanctions to take a more decisive, if painful,
stand against Russian destabilisation of Ukraine.
Within days of Timmermans' address, senior EU diplomats had
agreed the broad outlines of potential sanctions on Russian
access to EU capital markets, defence and energy technology.
Final decisions await more deliberations next week - but
diplomats said on Friday an initial package was now virtually a
"It is fair to say we are heading in the direction," one EU
diplomat told Reuters.
In the run up to Friday's discussions, Dutch Prime Minister
Mark Rutte had a series of phone calls with his EU counterparts,
near daily calls with Obama and six conversations with Putin.
"We want, as a country that has acquired a certain moral
obligation as a result of this tragedy, to promote Europe taking
a common line on this," Rutte told parliament in The Hague.
The Dutch are a trading nation with outsized commercial ties
to Russia and are often reluctant to let politics get in the way
of a good deal. But an opinion poll this week found 78 percent
back economic sanctions even if it hurts their own economy.
Poland's Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski, long an
advocate of harsher sanctions, said the plane crash was the
"last straw that broke the camel's back".
"The behaviour of the separatists ... the scandalous
plundering of the luggage and the bodies themselves - all this
made an enormous impression on the Netherlands ... and on all of
us," he told reporters after Tuesday's meeting.
The EU turnaround became possible when key players shifted
their positions. Timmermans' impassioned speech, several
diplomats said, made it difficult for others to hold a firm line
against sanctions at Tuesday's meeting.
"The Dutch minister gave a very effective, emotional lead...
saying we have got to move on beyond just naming individuals. No
one found it possible to speak against that," one senior
European diplomat said.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel, who felt personally misled
by Putin after months of intense dialogue, joined the drive for
broader measures against Moscow even before the plane crash.
Berlin has by far the biggest trade with Russia.
After the downing of the airliner, Britain too agreed to
restrictions on Russian access to capital markets largely based
in its City of London financial centre which it had previously
German government sources said Berlin, which had been
hesitant on sanctions for months, demanded that senior EU
diplomats meet as soon as last Monday to work out a more
effective sanctions package. To their annoyance, a holiday at EU
headquarters for Belgium's national day got in the way.
EU leaders had agreed at a July 16 summit that more Russian
people and companies should be targeted with asset freezes by
the end of the month but that was suddenly not enough.
"It is true that the European Council had set a deadline of
the end of the month, but after the plane crash everybody should
have understood the situation was far more urgent", one Berlin
source said. "We were losing time when time was precious."
ITALY CHANGES TONE
Another notable change of tone came from Italy, which along
with Germany is the biggest consumer of Russian gas in Europe.
Foreign Minister Federica Mogherini, who had drawn criticism
for making her first visit in the EU's rotating president to
Moscow at the start of July, now said repeatedly she wanted to
see additional sanctions imposed on Russia.
"The Malaysian air disaster weighed heavily on everyone," an
Italian source said. "Timmermans spoke for half an hour. It was
a very emotional speech where he described the pain and anger of
the Dutch. An airplane with 300 people in it was shot down and
that changed everything."
Some diplomats suggested Mogherini's change of tone might
have more to do with her push to become the next EU foreign
policy chief after Catherine Ashton's mandate ends in October.
Several central European leaders expressed opposition to her at
the summit because of her emollience towards Russia.
Lithuanian President Dalia Grybauskaite summed up their mood
by saying she would not back a "pro-Kremlin" candidate.
The final shape of the sanctions package may hinge on a tug
of war between Britain and France over who bears the brunt of
economic pain of such decisions.
Diplomats said the French dug their heels in after British
Prime Minister David Cameron publicly criticised Paris' decision
to deliver the first of two Mistral helicopter carriers it is
building for Moscow under a 2011 contract.
"The estimates are that in the current package the pain for
the UK would probably be greater than for anyone else," said one
senior diplomat, referring to the potential damage to London's
City banks if financial restrictions are imposed.
Recognising the shift, the U.S. ambassador to the European
Union, Anthony Gardner, said his impression was the mood towards
Russia had changed this week.
"Our impression is that several countries now believe that
the choice that they thought was on the table of taking the
bitter medicine today and not taking the bitter medicine
tomorrow was a false choice," he told reporters.
"That choice never existed. Now the choice is either taking
the bitter medicine today or taking an even more bitter medicine
(Additional reporting by Paul Taylor in Paris, Adrian Croft,
Jan Strupczewski and Martin Santa in Brussels, Thomas Escritt in
Amsterdam, Andreas Rinke in Berlin and Steven Scherer in Rome;
Editing by Paul Taylor)