By Elizabeth Piper
MOSCOW, March 6 Almost certainly orchestrated by
Vladimir Putin, Crimea's appeal to join Russia pits the
president directly against the West in a standoff that has
increasingly high stakes and unpredictable consequences.
The vote by the Crimean parliament gives Putin the upper
hand in the crisis over Ukraine, but risks antagonising the
pro-Western leaders in Kiev who have refused until now to resort
to military action and increase tensions in Ukraine's
Russian-speaking south and east.
"We are at a very dangerous point, and it threatens to push
a political crisis in the direction of a military situation,"
said former Kremlin spin doctor Gleb Pavlovsky.
He said there was now a greater danger of shots being fired
in Crimea, a Ukrainian region with an ethnic Russian majority,
adding: "Russia is encouraging the action of 'local forces'."
Putin has in effect thrown back in Western diplomats' faces
their argument that the ouster of Moscow-backed Viktor
Yanukovich as Ukraine's president on Feb. 22 must be accepted
because his removal was the will of the people.
Now they will have to accept the will of the Crimean people.
The former KGB spy looked serene as he chaired a meeting of
his most senior officials in the Security Council on Thursday,
seemingly oblivious to turmoil on Russian markets and Kiev's
defiance that a referendum on Crimea's status would be illegal.
The 61-year-old appears to feel he holds all the cards.
After appealing for membership of the Russian Federation,
Crimea's pro-Russian leaders, installed after Russian-speaking
armed men took over the local parliament, said they would have
to wait for Putin's answer to hold a referendum on status.
They plan to hold the referendum on March 16, asking
Crimea's just over 2 million people whether they want to unite
with Russia or stay with Ukraine.
Moscow's move to get a tighter grip on Crimea has been
perfectly choreographed over the last few days.
Calls to help Russian-speaking citizens in Ukraine's
southeast defend themselves against "extremists" from western
Ukraine, accused of trying to rid the country of Russians, have
given way to draft laws speeding up citizenship requests from
native Russian speakers.
Twinned with legislation to simplify the procedure for
"parts of foreign states" to join the Russian Federation, this
leaves Moscow better positioned to take control of a strip of
land Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev handed to Kiev in 1954.
"Speaking plainly, this bill was introduced by me for the
sake of Crimea," said Sergei Mironov, author of the bill.
It was a fitting prelude to news that Crimea's parliament
had voted unanimously "to enter into the Russian Federation with
the rights of a subject of the Russian Federation".
The deputy prime minister of Crimea, home to Russia's Black
Sea Fleet base in the port city of Sevastopol, also said the
Russian military was the only legitimate force in the region.
Many Russian analysts doubt that Putin wants to annexe
Crimea, but say he may consider the threat of doing so a
"symmetrical response" to what he sees as Western support for
armed men he says have been directing events in Kiev.
It asserts his authority once more and keeps alive his dream
of creating an economic union to reunite at least part of the
Soviet Union and recoup what Putin calls the lost potential of
the region when the Soviet empire collapsed 20 years ago.
With only Kazakhstan and Belarus signed up so far for a
Russia-led customs union, the loss of Ukraine could kill the
But it is a risky strategy.
Washington quickly responded by saying it would slap visa
bans on both Russian and Ukrainian officials responsible for
undermining democratic institutions in Ukraine. EU officials,
meeting in Brussels, were sure to react strongly.
Russia's markets again tumbled, putting pressure on an
already fragile economy where rouble weakness has made many
Russians feel the pinch when buying imported food and clothes.
Moody's said the stand-off was negative for Russia's sovereign
The gap in understanding between East and West over what
happened in Ukraine is, if anything, getting wider.
Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov left talks with foreign
ministers from the United States, France, Germany and Britain on
Wednesday, saying their attempts to get institutions like the
Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the NATO
military alliance involved was not building trust.
He, and most leading Russian officials, have said all sides
should return to an EU-brokered agreement signed on Feb. 21,
which called for constitutional change - something they hope
could mean more autonomy for the Russian-speaking regions.
Western leaders have given no suggestion that they see that
document, which was signed by Yanukovich shortly before he fled,
as the basis for any agreement.
"We are at a very dangerous point, and it threatens the
development of a political crisis in the direction of a military
situation," said Pavlovsky, suggesting shots could be fired by
Russian or Ukrainian troops in a tense standoff in Crimea.
"This decision will without a doubt be popular in Russia,
but it could even tomorrow become a tactical advantage."